The UAAC, since its inception, has stood on the intersection between cultural perspective and religion. The complexities of cultural interactions, for the UAAC, are profoundly shaped by differing practices and interpretations of respect and reverence. These attitudes not only overlook the complexities of African religiosity but also contribute to an ongoing cultural discord, where the validity of African practices is often questioned through a Eurocentric lens.

Amoah and Bennet (2008) have argued that one crucial area of difference is the expressions of respect. In the UAAC, the culture, such as among the Vhavenda, kneeling or lowering one’s gaze when addressing an elder is a profound expression of respect and humility. This is practised by both men and women. Although men may squat, women may lie on the ground or kneel with their knees; all these practices are to show respect. The same culture is infused in the church, and the belief is that God is supreme, and people cannot pray to him standing or walking, but they should show respect in a way understood by the cultural group. This form of communication is deeply embedded in the cultural context, reflecting a hierarchy that values age and wisdom.

However, these differences often lead to misunderstandings and misrepresentations between Euro-Western contexts, as the missionaries taught that worshippers should stand in reference to God. This creates a fundamental tension between cultural expression and inherited Christian practice. The recognition of the independence of the UAAC religious movements from Euro-Western control, highlighted by their self-governing, self-propagating and self-supporting characteristics, marks a significant assertion of cultural identity and spiritual autonomy. As of 2021, over a million church members in South Africa and beyond underscore this vitality and growth within these communities (Ranwedzi et al. 2022).

Scholars added the notion that Euro-Western protocols typically emphasise direct eye contact and a standing posture as signs of honesty and confidence (Ranwedzi et al. 2022). Unfortunately, for the Vhavenda people, direct eye contact has always been a sign of being rude to the elders, and when they speak to elders, they are supposed to face down. This divergence can create a significant gap in understanding religious practices. Another example is how an African avoids eye contact during a conversation; a Westerner may interpret it as dishonesty or a lack of confidence rather than as a culturally appropriate expression of respect (Ranwedzi et al. 2022).

The practice of showing reference by kneeling and avoiding eye contact plays a role in UAAC, as people kneel down when they pray instead of standing upon walking, which is directly linked to practices observable within Vhavenda tradition, where UAAC originated. While this demonstrates cultural continuity, it also raises questions about the theological implications of adapting Christian worship to local customs.

The phenomenon of UAAC in South Africa encompasses a rich tapestry of spiritual beliefs and practices rooted in the continent’s cultural and historical contexts. The church serves as a vital space for African communities seeking spiritual fulfillment that resonates with their identity, addressing communal and individual needs (Moyo 2001). At the heart of UAAC, like many African churches, lies a profound emphasis on prophecy and healing, often intertwined with traditional practices passed down through generations.

The rituals conducted in UAAC, often characterised by their unique spiritual methodologies, serve significant purposes beyond physical healing (Moyo 2001). Prophetic utterances are regarded as a form of divine communication and play a vital role in building social cohesion within communities. They provide guidance, hope and a strong sense of belonging among congregants. Individuals with prophetic abilities possess the unique capability to foresee future events or reflect on past occurrences, often delivering insights that transcend scientific explanations. Furthermore, healing rituals address various physical and psychological concerns while simultaneously reinforcing community bonds.

However, there have been times when the popularity of these healing practices raised critical discussions about safety and efficacy. The tragic case of the woman who died at the Zion Christian Church (ZCC) serves as a haunting reminder of the potential risks inherent in unregulated spiritual practices. The woman, together with her husband, was flogged under the claim of mental healing, and although the husband survived, the woman died (Muleya 2022). While the pastor claimed consent, the ethical implications of using flogging as a healing method highlight the necessity for accountability and informed consent in healing rituals. This example is used because UAAC and ZCC are similar in being prophetic and sharing healing rituals, although different in what they use. The two churches had similar histories as their founders were the same members, although separated at a later stage.

The’s use of unconventional healing substances by UAAC is a vivid example of how traditional materials and methods can be integrated into contemporary spiritual practices. Elements such as coloured salts, candles, river sand, water, wool and herbal mixtures are steeped in cultural significance; however, their safety and effectiveness often remain undocumented. But the methods continue because of the inherent benefits and the testimonies of the practices. Unfortunately, these types of healing practices were marginalised, often wrongfully categorised as witch doctors, signalling a broader societal issue regarding the recognition of different forms of healing.

The UAAC has historically played an indispensable role in supporting and caring within various African communities (Anderson 2003). Even among those who identify as Christians, many individuals turn to these practitioners, indicating a complex interplay between traditional belief systems and contemporary religious affiliations. This is affirmed by Bach (2013), who argues that South Africa’s history of colonialism and apartheid has marginalised traditional healers and promoted secrecy around their practices. She observes that approximately 80% of South Africans identify as Christian, yet many still consult traditional healers. However, some individuals fear being judged by born-again Christians, who may disapprove of their beliefs or practices, or may be seen as primitive or uneducated. The merging of traditional healing with the UAAC then reduces the stigma as traditionalist uses the approach of a church.

Key rituals celebrating life transitions, such as childbirth, burial rites, and family gatherings, where worshipping ancestors is essential, indicate the contestation between religion and Christian doctrine. United African Apostolic Church recognises and facilitates this spiritual expression, allowing members to engage deeply with their cultural and spiritual roots while navigating the complexities of modern religious landscapes. Most AICs, including the case for this study, use the same ancestral spirits for the prophesy and healing. This means that the same ancestral spirits traditionally used for healing can be redirected to serve within the church, and the individual will then be referred to as a prophet. This suggests that ancestral spirits traditionally associated with healing practices can be recontextualized within Christian frameworks, transforming the practitioner’s role from traditional healer to prophet.

Although ancestral worship contradicts Christian beliefs as it is unbiblical, scholars (Anderson 2003) contested that the prevalence of ancestor rituals in the personal lives of members of the older ‘mission churches’ and some independent churches would suggest that the view is that there exists no actual conflict between the practices and Christian beliefs. Here, it is believed that the ancestor rituals are exclusively African (and personal) affairs that can legitimately exist alongside Christianity. He argues that the practice belongs to two different worlds, yet they can also be reconciled. However, it should be observed that reconciling the two contradicts the teachings of the Old and the New Testaments in the bible. Instances arise where, instead of using prayers for healing the sick, some members of UAAC interchangeably choose to use dice that are used for traditional healing. The calling of the spirits and names of the ancestors is performed to ensure that there will be intervention and revelation from the spirit.

The healing practices that resonate with those of traditional healing from the UAAC include Muthuso wa vhana, a cultural practice encompassing a series of rituals performed for newborns within various African communities. This process is traditionally facilitated by healers who draw upon indigenous knowledge systems and, within the system of the UAAC, employ similar methodologies. The primary objective of these rituals is to safeguard the child from perceived malevolent forces, such as witches and sorcerers. In traditional healing, herbal remedies and medicinal ointments are often utilised as protective measures against evil forces and childhood sicknesses. Conversely, UAAC also employs sacred oils, blessed water and specific binding materials such as wool to fortify the child against spiritual threats.

The practice of polygamy among the Vhavenda people can be attributed to a complex interplay of socio-cultural and economic factors. Historically, polygamous unions have served various functions, including the promotion of economic emancipation, the prevention of adultery, the management of labour migration and the expression of cultural identity. In addition, polygamy has been seen as a solution for issues related to infertility and as a means of providing sexual outlets within the community. Despite these traditional practices, recent trends indicate a decline in polygamous marriages, primarily influenced by the growing reach of Evangelical Pentecostal movements, economic strains and Western ideologies.

The UAAC has always practised polygamous marriages and relationships. Paulos, the founder of UAAC and a central figure within this discourse, exemplifies the intersection of traditional practices and modern religious beliefs. Previously having been a member of the Evangelical Lutheran Church of South Africa, he operated within a polygamous family structure, having married three wives. His experiences highlight the nuanced relationship between individual cultural practices and broader religious ideologies (Ranwedzi et al. 2022).

However, this practice presents significant theological challenges, as polygamy directly contradicts New Testament teachings on marriage and church leadership. The rise of independent churches, which UAAC forms a bigger part of, as argued by Munyai (2007), reflects a broader discontent with mainstream religious institutions. These independent movements emerged in response to the perceived failures of established churches to address their congregants’ spiritual and cultural needs. Many converts felt that their African cultural heritage was devalued and, at times, depicted as primitive or demonic within the structure of the dominant religious narratives.