Original Research

Trans-generational trauma and tribal conflict among AmaNdebele and VaShona Pentecostal clergy

Nomathemba N. Msipa, Maake J. Masango

Received: 25 Mar. 2025; Accepted: 22 May 2025; Published: 11 July 2025

Copyright: © 2025. The Author(s). Licensee: AOSIS.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited.

Abstract

Background: This article explores the intersection of trans-generational trauma and tribal conflict among AmaNdebele and VaShona Pentecostal clergy in Zimbabwe, rooted in the historical context of the 19th-century AmaNdebele invasions of Mashonaland and the 1983–1987 Gukurahundi massacres. Through an intersectional framework, the study investigates how ethnicity, spirituality and historical memory shape identities and how unresolved collective trauma influences the spiritual, social and political dynamics within faith communities, despite Pentecostalism’s emphasis on healing, reconciliation and unity.

Objectives: This article looks at Zimbabwean’s template of trans-generational trauma and tribal conflict within some Pentecostal clergy.

Method: The study employed a qualitative approach using case studies of the ‘AmaNdebele and VaShona clergy’ lived experiences within the Pentecostal movement based in Bulawayo and Harare.

Results: There is an existential reality of tribal conflict within some Pentecostal churches, undergirded by leadership appointments and clergy deployments, often reflected by tribal affiliations rather than merit. Liturgical practices, including language use in services, were shaped by the dominant tribe or language within a congregation. There is no structured pastoral care approach to address tribal conflicts within the Pentecostal community.

Conclusion: The study identified key themes, such as historical trauma, trans-generational trauma transmission and the need for justice, peace and reconciliation.

Contribution: This research contributes to the discourse on Pentecostal pastoral care by adopting an interpretive narrative framework by amplifying the voices of ‘AmaNdebele and VaShona clergy’ who experienced tribal conflict.

Keywords: trans-generational transmission of trauma; pastoral care; tribalism; seminary curriculum; truth; justice; peace and reconciliation.

Introduction

Previous studies by Zimbabwean scholars (Chitando & Togarasei 2010; Kanyandago 2013; Ngwenya & Geoff 2015; Togarasei & Chitando 2011) have explored ‘tribal conflicts’ between the ‘AmaNdebele and VaShona people’, often focusing on mainline churches’ responses. This study, however, zeroes in on two specific Pentecostal denominations in Zimbabwe that have many branches across Zimbabwe, form the largest Christian group in Zimbabwe and wield significant influence across denominational lines. Given this prominence, there is a pressing need to understand the roots of tribal conflict within these churches and explore theological solutions.

Case studies

The two scenarios below are examples that highlight the impact of tribalism on clergy appointments among AmaNdebele and VaShona clergy within some of the Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe. Pastor Bekithemba Tshuma (not his real name) had served as a Pastor in Zimbabwe’s second largest city, Bulawayo, for more than 15 years and was considered one of the senior and well-respected clergy among the AmaNdebele people (the second largest language in Zimbabwe). Despite Pastor Bekithemba’s extensive 15-year service and strong reputation, he was never elected to the national executive, and allegedly it was because of his tribal affiliation. In contrast, Pastor Simbarashe Muchengeti (not his real name) was voted into the national executive despite having fewer than eight years of experience. Pastor Simba (as he is affectionately known) was a junior to Pastor Themba, but because he comes from the largest tribe in Zuka International Ministries (pseudonym), he secured a national leadership role.

Ethical considerations

The ethical review committee responsible for overseeing this study was the University of Pretoria’s Theology & Religion Faculty (application no: T019/19). In line with ethical standards, informed consent for human participants was obtained through written consent forms, ensuring that participants fully understood the nature, purpose and potential risks of the study. These consent forms outlined their right to withdraw at any time without consequence. All participants in this study were above Zimbabwe’s legal age of consent, and as such, no adult consent was sought. To maintain the confidentiality of data, all personal identifiers, including participants’ names, were replaced with pseudonyms, and the data were stored in encrypted files with restricted access. Additionally, all participants were assigned unique identifiers to ensure anonymity throughout the research process. Given the sensitivity of tribalism, the names of the organisations involved in the study were also concealed to further protect privacy and prevent any potential harm.

Historical context

Tribal conflicts between the ‘AmaNdebele and VaShona’ are deeply rooted within Zimbabwe’s history. The VaShona often trace their grievances to the 19th-century AmaNdebele raids, while the AmaNdebele point to the 20th-century Gukurahundi massacre as a source of their pain (Eppel 2004:44; Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2009:120–123). These historical events have fostered mutual distrust and have been passed down through generations, influencing interactions even within the church (Sibanda 2011:89). The historical roots of trans-generational trauma and tribal conflict between the AmaNdebele and VaShona must be critically examined to develop meaningful theological responses. While it is historically accurate that the AmaNdebele conducted raids on Shona communities during the 19th century under King Mzilikazi and Lobengula, these actions were shaped by the broader dynamics of state formation, territorial expansion and survival in a volatile pre-colonial context. Conversely, the Gukurahundi massacres of the 1980s, perpetrated by the North Korean-trained Fifth Brigade under the command of Zimbabwe’s then Shona-dominated government, resulted in the deaths and torture of thousands of AmaNdebele civilians. However, it is reductive to frame these events solely as actions of one ethnic group against another, as they both involved complex political motivations and state structures rather than communal will. A critical historical engagement reveals that while ethnic identities were weaponised in both periods, the responsibility lies more with political and military leadership than with entire ethnic communities. Therefore, theological solutions must move beyond ethnic blame to address structural sin, collective memory and the need for communal repentance, healing and justice grounded in truth.

Tribal conflict in the Pentecostal church is mainly ‘between the AmaNdebele and VaShona people generally and clergy specifically’ (Msipa 2020:38), and this has transcended generations because of the historical trauma that has not been dealt with across generations. While this article looks at the Pentecostal clergy in Zimbabwe with regard to tribal conflict, any conflict among Christians renders them ineffective to deal with conflicts outside of the Christian institution. This article is deduced from the empirical research that was done in 2018 by the author among some Pentecostal clergy in Harare and Bulawayo because of their demographic concentration of the ‘VaShona and AmaNdebele’ people, respectively. The history of violence between these two tribes has spanned less than two centuries (187 years). Two distinct incidents have shaped the interaction trajectory among the proponents of these two tribes. The VaShona people ascribe their hate and anger towards the AmaNdebele tribe to the 19th-century AmaNdebele raids of the VaShona people (who regard themselves as the earlier settlers of Zimbabwe). In comparison, the AmaNdebele people ascribe their hate and anger towards the VaShona tribe to the 20th-century ‘Gukurahundi massacre of the AmaNdebele people’ (Tshuma 2019:20). The research adopted a grounded theory methodology, resulting in the emergence of ten categories or themes in the findings; however, only four categories are discussed in this article to highlight the intersection of trans-generational trauma and tribalism. Overall, these themes that were identified in relation to the ‘tribal conflict between AmaNdebele and VaShona clergy in the Pentecostal church within the Bulawayo and Harare regions’ (Msipa 2020:85) included historical trauma, trans-generational transmission of trauma, socio-economic disparities arising from nepotism, insufficient seminary education, leadership immaturity, political influence, unresolved past wounds, carnal leadership and the absence of church platforms for peace, justice and reconciliation. The most important are historical trauma, trans-generational transmission, forgiveness, peace reconciliation and justice, as they were prevalent among all the participants’ responses. Although the research explored ‘conflict among AmaNdebele and VaShona clergy in Zimbabwe’s Pentecostal church’ (Msipa 2020:38), this article focuses on how trans-generational trauma drives these conflicts. It highlights trans-generational trauma as a key root cause and examines both conscious and unconscious trauma transmission.

Trans-generational transmission of trauma

The study draws on Fromm’s (ed. 2012) theory of trans-generational trauma, where ‘unresolved trauma is passed from one generation to the next’, often manifesting as a desire for revenge or aggression. This pattern is evident among AmaNdebele and VaShona clergy, who continue to experience and perpetuate the trauma of their ancestors. Folklore, historical narratives and community stories have kept these wounds alive, fostering resentment and division.

Fromm argued that ‘trans-generational trauma occurs when trauma is unconsciously or consciously passed from one generation to the next’ (ed. Fromm 2012:6). While it is not always easy to pinpoint when this transfer takes place, its impact is evident in how the descendants respond to situations in ways similar to the original victims. A common response to such trauma is the desire for revenge, often coupled with feelings of guilt for not protecting loved ones. This cycle of anger can be seen in the ongoing tension between the AmaNdebele and VaShona, where revenge manifests in forms like ‘political manipulation, economic sabotage, the denial of privileges by those in power, and even violence’ (Harris & Ngwenya 2015:40). A striking example of this is the Rwandan genocide, where escalating ethnic tensions led one group to engage in mass killings of another.

Fromm (ed. 2012) highlighted that ‘children whose minds have been impregnated with mental representations of the atrocities of the Holocaust deposited by their parents, carry within themselves powerful feelings of loss, humiliation, guilt, and aggressions’ (ed. Fromm 2012:6). While this observation primarily focused on children, it does not address the impact on adults who, having not healed from inherited trauma, carry those unresolved wounds into their adult lives. This study found that both AmaNdebele and VaShona communities harbour aggression towards one another, shaped by a legacy of trauma passed down through ‘stories, folklore, and contemporary events that evoke memories of past losses and humiliation’ (Harris & Ngwenya 2015:45). Harris & Ngwenya (2015) observed that many survivors of the Gukurahundi Massacre admitted to having ‘transferred their pain, humiliation, and resentment onto their children’ (Harris & Ngwenya 2015).

Volkan et al. (2002) explained that:

Within virtually every large group, there exists a shared mental representation of a traumatic past event during which large groups suffered loss, or experienced helplessness, shame, humiliation in a conflict with another group. (p. 87)

‘Both the AmaNdebele and VaShona have experienced these feelings of loss, helplessness, and humiliation at each other’s hands throughout Zimbabwe’s history’ (Harris & Ngwenya 2015). Instead of addressing these past traumas and recognising that they were not personally involved in the original atrocities, the anger continues to fester, perpetuating the cycle of hatred. For the AmaNdebele and VaShona to avoid future violence, a process of truth, justice, forgiveness and reconciliation is crucial. In the Pentecostal churches, minor conflicts have arisen, with some members being denied leadership roles based on tribal affiliation rather than capability. This intra-clergy tribal conflict is a direct symptom of trans-generational trauma, influencing clergy to favour their own tribes and fight against others.

Volkan et al. (2002) further noted that:

The trans-generational transmission of such a shared traumatic event is linked to the past generation’s inability to mourn losses of people, land, property, prestige, and indicate the large group’s failure to reverse the humiliation inflicted by another large group, usually, a neighbor, but in some cases, between ethnic or religious groups within the same country. (p. 87)

In the context of this study, ‘both the AmaNdebele and VaShona peoples experienced humiliation through events like the Gukurahundi Massacres in the 20th century and the AmaNdebele raids in the 19th century’ (Harris & Ngwenya 2015). Neither group has had an opportunity ‘to mourn their losses – whether of people, land, property, or dignity’ (Harris & Ngwenya 2015:n.p.), leading to an ongoing cycle of trauma expressed through desires for revenge and restitution. This role reversal between perpetrators and victims remains a source of tension in social, political and religious settings.

Fromm, citing Kogan (2012), identified two mechanisms for the transmission of trans-generational trauma: ‘primitive identification and deposited identification’ (Fromm 2012:6). These mechanisms describe how trauma is passed from parent to child, as seen in the context of Holocaust survivors. This research similarly draws parallels between VaShona adults who were victims of the AmaNdebele raids in the 19th century and their contemporary descendants and between AmaNdebele adults who suffered during the Gukurahundi Massacre and their present-day descendants. Many of these descendants, including participants in this study, continue to carry the weight of this inherited trauma:

Folklore, historical information, and history of the nation of Zimbabwe from the 19th century to date are the sources for gleaning from the adult victims of both the atrocities used to justify tribal conflict and injustice. (Msipa 2020:65)

• ‘Primitive identification’ (Kogan 2012:7) refers to the process by which a child internalises and adopts the damaged self-images of a parent who has experienced trauma. This process ‘leads to a blurring of the child’s sense of individual identity’, as they begin to see themselves through the lens of their parent’s pain and suffering (Kogan 2012:7). This phenomenon specifically ‘addresses the trans-generational transmission of trauma from parent to child, whereby the child becomes emotionally entangled with the unresolved trauma of the parent’ (Kogan 2012:7).

In the context of African culture, the concept of self-image is intricately tied to the collective identity of the community from which an individual comes. This collective identity is rooted in the ‘philosophy of Ubuntu, which emphasizes the interconnectedness of individuals within the society’ (Mbiti 1970:n.p.). According to Ubuntu, one’s identity is not only shaped by personal experiences but is also defined by relationships, community and shared cultural values. This view of self goes beyond the individual and highlights the communal nature of identity. As such, the idea of ‘assimilation and introjections’ should not be limited to the relationship between a damaged parent and child. Rather, it can be extended to the community level, where trauma from one generation is passed down and internalised by the next (Volkan et al. 2002, np).

When the term ‘damage’ is used, it implies that a particular individual, ‘generation, or community that has been deeply affected by traumatic experiences, but it does not suggest that they are rendered worthless or incapable’ (Fromm 2012:n.p.). Rather, the term reflects the harm or disruption caused by the trauma and acknowledges the ongoing emotional and psychological impact it can have. In African contexts, where community ties are strong, the trauma experienced by one generation can resonate through the collective, influencing how the subsequent generation perceives themselves and their place in the world. This research proposes that the assimilation of trauma occurs not only within the parent–child relationship but also within broader social structures, where historical and cultural influences play a crucial role in shaping self-image and identity:

• ‘Deposited Identification is a concept that highlights the role of the parent in transmitting aspects of their own identity – often unconsciously, and sometimes consciously – onto their child’ (Kogan 2012:7). This concept ‘focuses on the trans-generational transmission of trauma from parent to child’ (Kogan 2012), but it can also serve as a framework for understanding how trauma is transferred from one generation to the next, either consciously or unconsciously. The possibility of trauma being transmitted from a victim to a recipient is not being questioned, as this process has been well documented by scholars such as Kogan (2012), Fromm (2012) and Volkan (2001), who have confirmed its occurrence. However, this study is particularly concerned with the transmission of trauma within communities, specifically the faith communities among the AmaNdebele and VaShona peoples, where trauma from past events continues to be expressed through contemporary rage – often by those who did not directly witness or experience the original events.

Fromm (2012) noted ‘the terrible irony in the transmission of trauma, stating that the victimized often reverse their traumatic helplessness by becoming victimizers, thus continuing the cycle of trauma’ (Fromm 2012:205). This statement is especially ‘pertinent to this study, as it has been observed that the trauma between the AmaNdebele and VaShona peoples seems to perpetuate in a cyclical manner’ (Msipa 2020:67), raising questions about when, or if, this cycle will ever cease. This study is one of several that have explored the recurring instances of ‘traumatic events among the AmaNdebele and VaShona communities’ (Msipa 2020:118), yet there appears to be no resolution in sight. Efforts by the government to address ‘past atrocities have faltered’ (Motsi 2010:22), largely because of the unwillingness to confront and openly address these painful historical wounds in a way that would allow for healing. Just as an untreated wound can fester and lead to greater harm, the unresolved conflict between the ‘AmaNdebele and VaShona continues to affect every aspect of society, including the church – an institution that is meant to serve as a custodian of truth and reconciliation’ (Msipa 2020:118).

Fromm (2012) proposed that ‘the need to break the cycle of trauma can be achieved by translating the legacy of trauma received into a narrative of forgiveness and healing, thereby grieving its effect’ (p. 208). This suggestion underscores the importance of ‘transforming the legacy of trauma into a process of healing through forgiveness’ (Msipa 2020:108), an essential step in preventing the continued transmission of trauma across generations.

Solutions and recommendations

Breaking the cycle of trans-generational trauma requires a multi-faceted approach:

• Pastoral Care Framework: Developing and implementing a pastoral care model tailored to address tribal conflicts by breaking the cycle of trans-generational trauma that necessitates a contextualised pastoral care model to directly address the wounds of tribal conflict. Such a framework must incorporate trauma-informed counselling, culturally sensitive ministry and active listening practices that validate historical pain. Pastors should be equipped to facilitate healing processes that are both spiritually grounded and socially responsive, creating safe spaces for emotional expression and reconciliation within diverse congregations.
• Truth and Reconciliation Initiatives: Establishing Church-led truth and reconciliation initiatives for open dialogue, forgiveness and healing is vital for restoring trust and fostering healing between AmaNdebele and VaShona communities. By providing safe platforms for open dialogue, confession and forgiveness, churches can model a redemptive approach to ethnic conflict. These initiatives must include storytelling, public acknowledgement of past injustices and symbolic acts of repentance, thereby breaking the silence and allowing space for collective lament and renewal.
• Theological Education: Transformative theological education is essential in dismantling tribalism ideologies within the church. Clergy and theological students must be exposed to doctrines and public practices that emphasise the unity of the body of Christ (Eph 4:4–6) and the inclusive nature of God’s kingdom. By critically engaging with scripture and contextual theology, ministers can challenge ethnocentric interpretations and cultivate a theology that promotes justice, peace and reconciliation.
• Community Engagement: Fostering inter-tribal collaboration through joint community projects and worship services. Sustainable healing must extend beyond the pulpit to active community engagement. Churches can facilitate inter-tribal collaboration through joint service projects, inter-church worship gatherings and culturally inclusive celebrations. These shared activities foster relational trust, dismantle stereotypes and build a communal identity rooted in mutual respect rather than historical division. In doing so, the church becomes a catalyst for social cohesion and enduring peace.

Tribe

Fried’s definition of tribe guided this study and aligns with how the VaShona- and AmaNdebele-speaking people distinguish themselves in Zimbabwe. Fried defined tribe as a ‘social group speaking a distinctive language or dialect and possessing a distinctive culture that marks it off from other tribes’ (Fried 1975:24). It is this definition and history of these two tribes that form part of the conflict that has transcended generations. According to Msipa (2020:48), ‘Fried went on to show that Hoebel’s definition was not based on any political affiliations and this is the position of this research study’ (Msipa 2020:48 and Fried 1975:26). The term ‘tribe’ was used to describe two groups of people who are clearly distinct from each other in culture, language and territorial affiliation (Msipa 2020:26).

Conflict induced by trauma

Unresolved generational traumatic experiences can induce conflict, especially when holistic healing is not sought to deal with trans-generational trauma undealt with. A case of note is the Rwanda genocide that saw the ‘massacre of more than 800 000 people in 100 days of ethnic conflict’ (McDoom 2020:83–93). According to Kaplan and Hamburger (2017):

[T]he case of Rwanda was a psychological development response to historical ethnic trauma that was not dealt with properly until it erupted into a massacre of one ethnic group by another ethnic group. (pp. 104–124)

Analysis of clergy conflict

The analysis of clergy conflict was done to establish the conceptual existence of ‘tribal conflict among VaShona and AmaNdebele clergy’ (Msipa 2020:38). Looking briefly at ‘American Worldviews, African Worldviews, and Biblical Worldview on the existence of conflict among clergy’ (Msipa 2020:30), the author established that conflict amongst clergy/priests is a generational issue; however, most of the conflict was not tribal. This study aimed to develop a pastoral care approach to help clergy reshape their attitudes towards one another and individuals from different ethnic or tribal backgrounds, fostering unity and shared purpose. According to Mudenda (2011), tribalism posed a significant challenge within Zimbabwe’s Presbyterian churches, often preventing congregants from worshipping together.

It has to be noted that Clergical issues have played a significant role in fostering trans-generational trauma and tribal conflict, particularly when church leadership aligns with ethnic or political divisions. In Zimbabwe, for instance, some denominations have historically been perceived as favouring one ethnic group over another, with VaShona-dominated leadership structures often marginalising AmaNdebele congregants. This perceived bias reinforces historical grievances rooted in colonial-era tribal hierarchies and post-independence atrocities such as the Gukurahundi massacres.

Clergical issues that foster trans-generational trauma and tribal conflict

Clergical dynamics within Zimbabwean Pentecostal churches often mirror the country’s broader ethno-political divisions, particularly between the AmaNdebele and VaShona communities. One key issue is the perceived ethnic bias in leadership appointments and ministry opportunities. Senior leadership roles and decision-making structures are frequently dominated by VaShona clergy, while AmaNdebele pastors report limited upward mobility and marginalisation within church hierarchies. This leadership imbalance reproduces colonial-era tribal hierarchies and post-independence exclusions, deepening historical grievances and undermining trust among clergy from minority groups. Additionally, resource allocation tends to favour VaShona-dominated regions, further exacerbating disparities in ministry development and access to theological training.

Another significant factor is the silencing of historical grievances under the guise of unity and spiritual maturity. Sensitive topics such as the Gukurahundi massacres are often avoided in Pentecostal spaces, where clergy are discouraged from addressing ethnic trauma in favour of rhetoric of forgiveness or submission to spiritual authority. Doctrinal teachings are sometimes misused to delegitimise dissent, with emphasis on forgiveness and obedience functioning to suppress calls for justice and reconciliation. This theological bypassing fosters trans-generational trauma, particularly among younger AmaNdebele clergy who inherit unspoken wounds and are denied the space to process collective memory within faith communities.

Language politics, cultural exclusion and the absence of structured interethnic dialogue further entrench clerical division. VaShona is often the default language in liturgy, training and publications, marginalising AmaNdebele-speaking clergy and reinforcing tribal dominance in sacred spaces. The lack of inclusive language and intentional spaces for cross-cultural engagement prevents healing and contributes to mutual suspicion. Moreover, the politicisation of church leadership, where ethnic identity intersects with party affiliations, compounds mistrust and inhibits the church’s prophetic role in truth-telling and reconciliation. Together, these clerical dynamics perpetuate a cycle of inherited trauma and tribal conflict, highlighting the urgent need for theological and structural reforms within Pentecostal ecclesiology. Over time, these clergy issues have deepened mistrust among ethnic groups within religious spaces, transmitting feelings of injustice and alienation across generations and undermining the church’s potential as a vehicle for reconciliation.

American history of racism

Foley (1969) writing from his position as a White clergy member, sought to illuminate the often-overlooked experiences of Black clergy within the Catholic Church, including the life of Bishop James Augustine Healy of Portland in Maine (Foley 1969:118). His book on Bishop Healy was rejected – not for challenging Church doctrine, but for daring to portray the lived realities of Black clergy in Catholic America. Foley candidly revealed how racial prejudice within Church structures silenced narratives that exposed systemic exclusion (Foley 1969). His experience offers critical insights into how both racial and tribal segregation can be weaponised by those in ecclesial power, undermining the very principles of reconciliation and healing that clergy are meant to embody. This dynamic resonates with tribal tensions between AmaNdebele and VaShona clergy in some Pentecostal Churches in Zimbabwe, where spiritual authority can become a contested ground for ethnic representation and control.

Foley’s work (1969:110) on racism among American Catholic clergy encourages a deeper interrogation of how ecclesiastical roles are implicated in reproducing social divisions. This study similarly asks: are clerical roles within some Pentecostal structures in Zimbabwe being mobilised to perpetuate inter-ethnic hierarchies between the AmaNdebele and VaShona? As Msipa (2020:30) suggests, these roles may function not merely as spiritual offices but as tools for advancing tribal allegiance and marginalising the ‘other’, thus deepening longstanding divisions.

McGreevy (1996:30) further illuminates this dynamic through his examination of African American Catholic parishioners between 1919 and 1926. He found that Black Catholics were often confined to segregated parishes, schools and seminaries, which led them to request their own parishes in response to repeated alienation (McGreevy 1996:32). These historical echoes reveal how the exclusion of ethnic or racial groups from ecclesial spaces of belonging can generate not only institutional inequality but also emotional and psychological wounds that persist across generations, thus causing intergenerational trauma.

The tribal tensions between AmaNdebele and VaShona clergy cannot be understood in isolation from Zimbabwe’s colonial and post-colonial history, including events such as the Gukurahundi massacres of the 1980s. These episodes of state-sanctioned violence disproportionately affected the AmaNdebele population and left deep scars – both psychological and social – and continue to manifest in ecclesiastical settings. When clergy inherit unresolved historical wounds, these traumas often surface in how authority is negotiated, trust is withheld and tribal identity is performed within the Church.

Nash’s (1989:5) conceptualisation of ethnicity as a fluid and historically constructed identity is useful here. He explains that ethnic boundaries are not fixed but shift in meaning over time, influenced by lived experiences. Within some of the Pentecostal Church, ethnic identity is not merely a passive background factor – it is actively shaped and reshaped by historical trauma, collective memory and struggles over representation. The intergenerational transmission of trauma thus complicates efforts towards reconciliation, as unresolved pain can influence institutional dynamics in subtle but persistent ways.

Drawing from Foley, McGreevy and Nash, this study foregrounds how tribal conflict among AmaNdebele and VaShona clergy is not only a matter of contemporary politics or ecclesial ambition – it is deeply rooted in historical exclusion, racial and ethnic segregation and the psychic legacy of intergenerational trauma. Understanding this context is essential to fostering authentic reconciliation and healing within the Pentecostal church.

Biblical view of tribal or racial conflict

The Bible acknowledges various people groups, such as the Egyptians, Philistines and Moabites, but when it refers to tribes, it highlights the ‘twelve tribes of Israel’ (KJV). The ‘conflicts depicted in Scripture were rooted in fulfilling Elohim’s purpose’ (KJV), not in personal or tribal rivalries. Elohim opposed the Philistines for their idolatry just as He condemned Israel’s sins, but there is no biblical evidence supporting tribalism. The Old Testament’s territorial conflicts were about dominance, not racial, ethnic or tribal divisions. Nations like Babylon and the Medo-Persians were instruments of Elohim’s judgement against Israel’s idolatry, without promoting tribalism or racism among believers.

The Levitical priesthood tasked with caring for everyone – including strangers – did not discriminate based on language, culture or social status. Leviticus 19:33–34 commands love and fairness towards strangers, reflecting Elohim’s heart for unity. This inclusive spirit extended to proselytes of the Hebrew faith as well as those who chose not to convert. Yahshua Ha Mashiach (Jesus the Messiah) reinforced this mandate in John 13:34–35, instructing His disciples to love one another as a mark of true followership. Love within the household of faith should transcend tribal divisions and historical grievances. Any clergy or believer who fosters tribal conflict contradicts the very teachings of Yahshua, effectively denying the Lord ‘they claim to serve’ (Msipa 2020:57).

Romans 10:12–13 further emphasises that ‘there is no distinction between Jew and Greek’, for the ‘Lord is the same for all who call upon Him’ (Msipa 2020). In Yahshua, tribal, racial and ethnic barriers are dismantled, making way for reconciliation and healing. Clinging to past hurts only fosters unforgiveness, contradicting the ‘Lord’s Prayer’ (Mt 6:9–13). Addressing ‘tribal conflict among the clergy in Zimbabwe’ (Msipa 2020:14) is urgent, as it remains a deep, unhealed wound. True discipleship calls for love, unity and the rejection of tribalism, reflecting the heart of Elohim and the teachings of Yahshua.

Context of tribal conflict in Zimbabwe

Within ‘the context of some Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe some clergy are divided on tribal or ethnic lines between the AmaNdebele and VaShona people’ (Msipa 2020:114). While civility is maintained, those close to the two groups are aware of the deep-seated discord that exists among these two tribal groups.

Clergy deployments are often influenced by tribal affiliation rather than the individual’s ability to lead a congregation. For instance, financially affluent congregations are typically assigned to clergy from the dominant tribe in leadership. ‘Zimbabwe’s two major cities, Bulawayo and Harare, have the highest concentration of churches and reflect the tribal demographics of their surrounding rural areas’ (Msipa 2020:7). Urban migration has reinforced this pattern, with Bulawayo largely populated by AmaNdebele people – including clergy from nearby villages – while ‘Harare is predominantly inhabited by VaShona people’ (Msipa 2020:3), drawing clergy from surrounding VaShona-speaking regions. The term VaShona is generically used in this article to refer to the Ndau, Zezuru, Korekore, Manyika, etc., which are dialects associated with being VaShona. Among the VaShona people themselves, they do not use the umbrella term ‘VaShona’ to define themselves. The term AmaNdebele is also generically used in this article to refer to the AmaNdebele, Xhosa, Zulu, Sotho, Venda, etc., people groups that are the major residents of Bulawayo. This article does not seek to go into any in-depth discussion of these distinctions, though acknowledging that they exist.

History of tribal conflict in Zimbabwe

‘Tribal conflict among the AmaNdebele and VaShona people has existed for decades’ (Msipa 2020:16), such that it has found its expression among Christians from these two groups in Zimbabwe. While it is subtle among certain groups, one can see its tentacles in how these two groups relate on many social platforms. The roots of tribalism in the church did not originate within religious spaces but stem from historical political and social dynamics. As Motsi (2010:18) highlighted in his doctoral thesis, tribal conflict between ‘Zimbabwe’s two major tribes dates back to the pre-colonial era (1838)’ (Motsi 2010). He explained that internal divisions and infighting among the VaShona people created an opportunity for the Nguni-speaking AmaNdebele, led by King Mzilikazi, to invade VaShona territory. To secure protection from other raiding tribes and Portuguese merchants, the VaShona paid tribute to Mzilikazi. This situation persisted until the British invasion of Zimbabwe in 1893, before the country was renamed Rhodesia (Motsi 2010:19). Motsi emphasised that these historical conflicts, rooted in the AmaNdebele invasions of the 19th century and the weakened VaShona dynasty, predate British colonisation (Motsi 2010:17). He further pointed out that this caused ‘the VaShona people to pay tribute to Mzilikazi, an AmaNdebele king, to be protected from any other marauding tribes and the Portuguese merchants’ (Motsi 2010:18). The AmaNdebele are accused of having taken advantage of this treatise, thereby mistreating their then subjects (VaShona people). This accusation is alleged to be the cause of the Gukurahundi Massacre of 1983–1985 by a VaShona-led military group that made sure mostly AmaNdebele males were killed and resulted in the massacre of ‘Twenty Thousand (20 000) AmaNdebele people’ (Alexander et al. 2001:763–785). To date, there are some among the AmaNdebele people who are crying for an apology from the then supposed Lead Perpetrator, who is the current sitting President of the Republic of Zimbabwe. Following the 26th March 2022 by-elections, there was a social media outcry from the Zimbabwean populace who were questioning how the AmaNdebele people voted for Zanu (PF) (which is considered the engine that was used to perpetrate the Gukurahundi Massacre). Some considered the by-election results as an insult to the memory of those who were slain. This is the depth of the hate and anger that has perpetuated this tribal conflict. A recent census in Zimbabwe also brought an outcry from AmaNdebele people who were complaining about the absence of AmaNdebele enumerators, as it seemed that AmaNdebele enumerators were sidelined even among their people.

Motsi pointed out that it was part of VaShona folklore to share among generations of the AmaNdebele invasions and subsequent killings that led to hate of the AmaNdebele (Motsi 2010:18). Motsi (2010) further argued that:

When the white colonizers settled in Rhodesia, they intentionally sought to weaken the AmaNdebele dynasties while refraining from antagonizing the VaShona, who were already seen as vulnerable due to AmaNdebele raids and internal divisions. (p. 20)

It is historically evident that the AmaNdebele were weakened, and even after Zimbabwe’s independence in 1980, the VaShona saw it as an opportunity for revenge against the perceived wrongs of their AmaNdebele ancestors. (Motsi 2010)

Motsi also highlighted that ‘tribal conflict persisted even during the War of Liberation, with the two armed factions – ZIPRA (AmaNdebele Liberation Fighters) and ZANLA (VaShona Liberation Fighters)’ – reflecting a lack of trust between the two groups. Despite facing a common colonial enemy, they could not unite into a single army, opting instead for separate factions (Motsi 2010:22). This insight is crucial for this research, demonstrating how deeply entrenched tribalism remains within Zimbabwean society, even extending to the Pentecostal clergy. The tribal conflicts that contributed to Zimbabwe’s independence did not cease with liberation but continued post-independence, exemplified by the creation of the ‘Fifth Brigade’, a government force specifically trained to suppress AmaNdebele power or regrouping. Given this historical backdrop, it is evident that ‘platforms for truth and reconciliation must be established in Zimbabwe’ (Msipa 2020:118). Despite various government and individual efforts for reconciliation, tribalism remains unresolved, as evidenced by its persistence within the Pentecostal clergy. The ongoing tribal conflict between the VaShona and AmaNdebele can be seen as a result of the ‘trans-generational transmission of trauma’ (Msipa 2020:118.).

Dealing with tribalism

Campolo and Battle (2005) postulated that ‘ethnic groups of any kind need to be delivered from the tendency to worship their own identities’ (Campolo & Battle 2005:21). The proper understanding of the clergy’s relationship with the God who transcends all cultural deities and wants ‘no graven images we will take a step toward transcending racism’ (Campolo & Battle 2005:21) should influence the relationships among each other. Although this statement is made regarding American churches in particular and the American nation in general, it rings true to every follower of Yahshua Ha Mashiach/Jesus the Messiah including the clergy. The ‘Pentecostal Clergy’ in Zimbabwe have to robustly address ‘the tendency to worship their tribal affiliations that make them worship in conflict with the Elohim/God of the Bible’ (Msipa 2020:140). A deliberate pastoral care that transcends ‘racism or tribalism for those who profess to be disciples and followers of Yahshua (also known as Jesus)’ would foster reconciliation that would heal clergy and the congregants. It is an oxymoron within the highest religious orders to proclaim to be followers and disciples of Yahshua and at the same time propagate tribalism. This is the history that the ‘AmaNdebele and VaShona children’ have been taught, and thereby tribalism becomes a ‘trans-generational issue that is transferred throughout generations through folklore and stories’ (Msipa 2020:148). Msipa (2020) proposed that ‘an understanding of the underlying and historical causes of tribal conflict among clergy facilitates for a healing methodology that heals from their ethnic groups until the clergy are also healed’ (Msipa 2020:140). Pentecostal organisations should also promote dialogue and acceptance of socialisation issues (e.g. intergenerational trauma) through pastoral care without attributing every social issue to ‘demonic attacks that need deliverance’.

The very fact that a people continue to foster anger and hate towards another people based on a history of barbaric lifestyles and civilisations, who then did not find anything wrong with exercising their muscles for sustenance, is an indicator that the church has not fully dealt with the issue of forgiveness and reconciliation. If we cannot forgive others for their sins of ignorance, then should we be forgiven by our Lord? There is, therefore, a need to pastorally teach and guide through truth, peace, forgiveness and reconciliation. The issue of tribalism or racism should not be found among professing believers and followers of Yahshua ha Mashiach/Jesus the Messiah to restore the full message of reconciliation. History has to be dealt with to foster hope, peace, truth, forgiveness and reconciliation, and it must not be used to foster anger, unforgiveness and conflict, especially with the Body of Yahshua. To deny history is to raise people who do not understand their origin and purpose; therefore, impacting future generations through history should be done with the sole purpose of knowledge, insight and wisdom instead of creating strife.

Biblical categories for dealing with trans-generational trauma

Six biblical or theological categories, namely lament, confession, reconciliation, justice, prophetic truth-telling and sacramental unity, offer a holistic and deeply biblical framework for healing trans-generational trauma and tribal conflict. When embraced, they can transform the church into a community of memory, justice and hope.

Lament and honest mourning

A faithful response to trans-generational trauma must begin with lament. Lament is a biblical invitation to bring our grief, anger and confusion before God without censorship. The Psalms of lament (e.g., Ps 13, 44, 79) give voice to communities crying out from injustice and abandonment. Likewise, the book of Lamentations reveals the theological legitimacy of mourning national trauma. In the context of Zimbabwe’s tribal conflict, churches must create liturgical and communal spaces where both AmaNdebele and VaShona congregants can name historical wounds – such as the 19th-century raids and the Gukurahundi massacres – before God. Lament honours pain and prevents the suppression or spiritualisation of suffering (which is mostly the case among Pentecostals). It is the beginning of healing, not the end of faith.

Confession and corporate repentance

Healing across generations also requires a theology of confession that acknowledges both personal and communal sin. The Bible models corporate confession in texts such as Daniel 9:4–19, where Daniel confesses the sins of his people, even those committed long before his time. In a similar vein, Joel 2 calls entire communities to repentance, from priests to elders to children. Churches in Zimbabwe must not shy away from confessing their historical complicity in ethnic partiality – whether through silence, exclusion or structural bias. Repentance is not merely about individual guilt but about acknowledging how communities have failed to reflect the justice and love of Christ. When clergy lead in public confession, it can break cycles of denial and open doors to reconciliation.

Forgiveness and reconciliation (‘Koinōnia of Peace’)

Forgiveness is central to the gospel and must be central in healing tribal wounds. The ministry of reconciliation described in 2 Corinthians 5:17–21 calls believers to be ambassadors of peace, grounded in the reconciling work of Christ on the cross. Ephesians 2:14–18 reminds us that Jesus ‘has made the two groups one’, destroying the dividing wall of hostility. In Zimbabwe, true reconciliation will only emerge when both AmaNdebele and VaShona believers engage in honest, mutual forgiveness – not as a denial of pain, but as a Spirit-empowered release from vengeance. Churches must teach the depth and cost of forgiveness while creating structured opportunities for relationship building, story sharing and prayer between formerly hostile groups.

Restorative justice and Shalom-making

God’s vision of peace [Shalom] is not the absence of conflict but the presence of justice. Scripture is clear that worship without justice is hollow (Micah 6:8; Amos 5:24). The prophetic books and the teachings of Jesus (Luke 4:18–19) consistently uplift the poor, the wounded and the socially excluded. In addressing trans-generational trauma, the church must move beyond symbolic gestures to pursue restorative justice. This could include trauma-informed pastoral care, reparative community development initiatives or support for affected families and survivors of past atrocities. Reconciliation without justice risks becoming superficial. A theological commitment to Shalom calls believers to address structural inequalities that perpetuate tribal divisions and economic disparity.

Prophetic advocacy and truth-telling

The prophets of the Old Testament and the ministry of Jesus consistently model truth telling in the face of systemic sin. Nathan confronted David (2 Sm 12), Elijah stood against Ahab and Amos denounced injustice in the nation. The church must embrace its prophetic role by confronting historical silence and distorted narratives. Tribal trauma often persists because truth is buried or politically suppressed. Clergy must not only speak about past wrongs, such as the Gukurahundi genocide, but also challenge ongoing narratives that deny the humanity of others. Prophetic preaching, truth commissions and public storytelling initiatives are all ways churches can stand in the gap – naming injustice, honouring memory and preparing the soil for peace.

Embodied communion and shared sacraments

At the heart of Christian worship is the Eucharist – a meal that proclaims the broken body and poured-out blood of Christ for the healing of the world. The apostle Paul rebuked the Corinthians for allowing divisions to persist at the Lord’s Table (1 Cor 11:17–34), reminding us that sacraments must embody the unity they proclaim. Churches can powerfully respond to tribal trauma by intentionally cultivating inclusive worship spaces where AmaNdebele and VaShona believers share in the sacraments together. This includes joint communion services, cross-tribal prayer groups and integrated leadership structures. In such settings, communion becomes a lived sign of God’s reconciling grace – a sacred counter-narrative to inherited division.

Conclusion

To move forward, Pentecostal churches in Zimbabwe must confront and address the trans-generational trauma fuelling tribal conflict. A transformative framework for pastoral deployment to heal trans-generational trauma and tribal conflict in Zimbabwe must be intentional, inclusive and rooted in reconciliation. It should prioritise ethnic and regional representation by appointing clergy from both AmaNdebele and VaShona backgrounds across diverse communities. By fostering an environment rooted in love, justice and reconciliation, the church can become a beacon of unity and hope, breaking the cycle of trauma for future generations. Pentecostal theology and praxis need to be revisited to introduce pastoral care that responds to social ills such as tribal conflict and trans-generational trauma. Pastors must be trained in trauma-informed care, contextual theology and conflict mediation, enabling them to address historical wounds with sensitivity and biblical grounding. Deployment should encourage inter-tribal team ministry and foster collaborative leadership models that embody unity. Clergy should also engage in community-based healing initiatives, including truth-telling forums and interethnic worship, to restore trust and promote social cohesion. Finally, the framework must include systems of accountability to assess its impact on healing and reconciliation, ensuring that pastoral ministry actively contributes to breaking cycles of inherited trauma and division.

Acknowledgements

This article is partially based on the author Nomathemba N. Msipa’s dissertation titled ‘Tribal conflict among Pentecostal Clergy in Zimbabwe: a pastoral care challenge’ towards the Master’s of Theology Degree in the Department of Practical Theology, University of Pretoria, South Africa on 30 April 2020, with supervisor, Maake J. Masango. It is available here: http://hdl.handle.net/2263/78482.

The authors declare that they have no financial or personal relationships that may have inappropriately influenced them in writing this article.

N.N.M. and M.J.M contributed equally to the conceptualisation, writing, and editing of the manuscript and share first authorship. All authors contributed to the article, discussed the results, and approved the final version for submission and publication.

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.

The data that support the findings of this study are available from the corresponding author, N.N.M. upon reasonable request.

The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and are the product of professional research. It does not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of any affiliated institution, funder, agency, or that of the publisher. The authors are responsible for this article’s results, findings, and content.

References