Nicholas Bhengu is one of Africa’s prominent evangelists of the 20th century (Lephoko 2018:217) who worked tirelessly to spread the Gospel of Jesus Christ through the breadth and width of South Africa without seeking recognition or fame. The impact of his ministry continues to vibrate through the dusty townships of South Africa. The researcher came to know his work during his student days, when he was a member of the Student Christian Movement (SCM), which later merged with the Students’ Christian Association (SCA) in 1997. The profound revival influence of the SCM swept through many high schools in the early 1970s, bringing many students to salvation in Jesus Christ (Nel 2015:1–18).

Like Epaphras and Barnabas of the New Testament, Nicholas Bhengu dedicated himself to sharing the Gospel of the Kingdom, earning the status of a black evangelist in church planting. Nicholas Bhengu was indeed a prominent South African evangelist known for his ‘Back to God’ crusade, which planted over 2000 churches across South Africa and neighbouring countries (Lephoko 2018:1–219). Emphasis on self-sustainability – a key tenet of his teaching – was the cornerstone of self-sustaining communities. He encouraged material independence through hard work and taught his church members the value of self-reliance, combining evangelism with development – a critical message for black communities under the repressive apartheid regime. He was a passionate teacher who emphasised holiness and the fear of God. His goal was ‘national redemption’ (Lephoko 2025:1–11).

The 23 November 1959 issue of Time magazine featured an article titled Religion: The Black Billy Graham focusing on South African Pentecostal leader Nicholas Bhengu. The piece highlighted his successful ‘Back to God Crusade’, his impact on reducing crime among young gangsters and his evangelistic message during the apartheid era. Today, when one speaks of the Assemblies of God in South Africa, nations recall the impact of Nicholas Bhengu on the African continent (Resane & Lephoko 2025:1–7). His ministry operated within spiritual boundaries, which I will detail shortly. Setting boundaries is crucial for godly figures because these boundaries define who they are and who they live for and establish confessional lines (Gotquestions.org n.d). Nicholas Bhengu’s spiritual boundaries, according to Resane and Lephoko (2026:1–7), were:

Nicholas Bhengu reminded the church to set spiritual boundaries, which entail spiritual discernment. As expressed in Psalm 101:3, ‘I will not look with approval on anything that is vile. I hate what faithless people do; I have no part in it’. Bhengu possessed the foresight to discern where a particular path might lead and to choose the appropriate path of ultimate meaning – salvation (Balcomb 2005:337). He exemplified bold humility, service and dedication to the growth of the church until his death. Bhengu refused to be used by white missionaries as a ‘helper’, insisting on being recognised as a full-fledged minister with independence of mind, a sense of dignity and self-confidence (Watt 1991:28). Because of his theological insight and balanced mind (Singh 2018:178), the Assemblies of God did not become a segregated church like some of the other Pentecostal churches, especially in the movement founded by him in 1950. Back to God Ministry (launched in 1950) was a profoundly influential, largely Pentecostal movement in South Africa that transformed Black communities through mass evangelism, planting over 2000 self-governing churches. Known as the ‘Billy Graham of Africa’, Bhengu’s crusades significantly reduced crime and fostered dignity, self-reliance and moral stability among Black South African (Watt 1991:15).

Nicholas Bhengu was not an armchair theologian preoccupied with philosophical criticisms and vague speculative theology. He adopted a comprehensive and effective approach to sound theology and evangelisation (Bosch n.d). Bhengu was an autodidact (self-taught in the matters of faith and spirituality) who gained his knowledge about faith and other spiritual aspects primarily on his own rather than through formal academic training (Giyani Assemblies of God Constitution n.d.). His approach to self-education was guided by his Christian beliefs and values and involved independent study of Scripture and theology and the application of Christian principles to his learning journey (Dubb 1976). He demonstrated resilience in the face of challenges and a willingness to seek and use various resources to achieve his learning goals.

Bhengu saw his calling as one of serving God and His people by proclaiming the Gospel of the Kingdom (Lephoko 2025:1). Unlike Western missionaries, who employed the mission-station approach of extracting converts from their communities and settling them in mission-stations outside of their natural environments (Kgatla 1988:63), Nicholas Bhengu worked in the communities. In this time, the growth of missionary ministries followed a typical pattern: A missionary stationed at a central location would make evangelistic forays to surrounding areas to establish ‘outposts’ of the congregation and recruit and appoint indigenous workers to meet the spiritual needs of the new seekers and converts (Mushayavanhu 2014:12).

Bhengu was an evangelist par excellence [embodying outstanding excellence in his ministry], a teacher of the Word and a pastor with a unique approach to ministry (Lephoko 2015:1). He introduced the ‘tent-ministry’ and ‘open-air’ approaches, which were characterised by highly organised publicity with trained personnel to evangelise thousands of people who got converted in multitudes (Dubb 1976:18). From 1952, Bhengu decided to concentrate on the congregation in East London.

On Sunday, 27 October 1957, a major Assemblies of God church was opened in Duncan Village, East London, South Africa (Dictionary of African Christian Biography 1991:n.p.). By 1959, there were 50 assemblies that had been started through the ministry of Bhengu (Balcomb 2005:338). Bhengu towered above many of his contemporaries through his ministry based on the teaching of holiness, honesty and humility (Resane & Lephoko 2026:4–7).

Open-air ministry involved sharing the Gospel in public spaces through preaching, music and personal testimonies from converts of encounters with Jesus Christ. Open-air proclamations took place at crossroads and open spaces, while tent ministry was used mainly at night or during rainy periods. These ministries reached many people who might not have attended traditional in-house church services, offering opportunities for salvation, healing and counselling. Nicholas Bhengu encouraged his converts to remain in their original churches while welcoming those who wished to join his new movement to stay with him (Lephoko 2018:1–130). This non-denominational strategy allowed him to reach a wider audience without pressuring converts to abandon their existing congregations. His vision was to build a powerful, self-propagating movement that would support the evangelisation of Africa (Resane & Lephoko 2018:1–11).

Tent ministries offered significant advantages. They enabled access to restricted communities, fostered financial sustainability by reducing reliance on donations and promoted deeper cultural immersions and relationships through close social interaction. People who could not attend Western churches, which appeared unwelcoming of the poor, could attend his services without being expected to pay anything or give anything in return. They would come to his services in tatters and dirty because they were not afraid of being rejected (Balcomb 2005:338).

On the other hand, the missionary mission-station approach faced numerous challenges. These included resistance from indigenous populations who were unwilling to abandon their communities, as well as conflicts between chiefs and colonial authorities who competed for control over the converts (Dubb 1976:19). Some community members who fled to mission-stations were accused of witchcraft and were never welcomed back into their communities (Kgatla 2000:77). The mission-station model also undermined local chiefs’ authority over and disciplines of their subjects. Ultimately, it encouraged a perpetual dependency.

Although the missionary mission-station approach in Africa had some advantages, including the introduction of education and health services, the development of written languages and the creation of new economic opportunities, it also had disadvantages. These included the physical and social separation of converts from their communities, the hindrance of local cultural integration, the devaluation of local people by treating them as ‘projects’ rather than equals and the disruption of traditional social structures. Although Nicholas Bhengu did not have the resources to establish schools, hospitals or other socio-economic infrastructures, he made a significant contribution to the spiritual well-being of Africans. His ministry was widely accepted by local communities as well as by government authorities (Balcomb 2005:338).

The disadvantages of the missionary mission-station approach included cultural disruption and the erosion of local traditions, the imposition of foreign values, the creation of dependency and paternalism and various challenges related to isolation, health and language barriers for the missionaries themselves. These stations also sometimes served colonial interests, leading to negative perceptions and resentment among local communities.

Bhengu longed for the day when the multitudes moving through the great cities of the earth would hear the clear call of God, accompanied by an outpouring of His Spirit. The Assemblies of God are among the Christian movements that have taken Christ’s injunction very literally – to go out into the highways and byways and invite people to come into the kingdom (Balcomb 2005:339).

This article followed all ethical standards for research without direct contact with human or animal subjects.

Before his miraculous conversion, Nicholas Bhengu was fully immersed in the political struggle for the liberation of black people from apartheid in South Africa. According to Lephoko (2018:217), Balcomb (2005:338) and Resane (2018:1), Bhengu was a member of the Communist Party from 1929 until his conversion in 1931 to free South Africa of apartheid. After he converted to Christianity, Bhengu considered the whole agenda of Christ in the liberation of humankind. In his new-found faith, embraced the promotion of self-confidence and socio-economic development for Africans, championing the slogans ‘Jesus for Africa’ and ‘Cape to Cairo’ to inspire continental unity and liberation from all forms of oppression, including colonialism, capitalism, and sin (Lephoto 2025:17). He strongly advocated for African leadership in evangelisation and challenged dependence on foreign aid, viewing spiritual liberation as the foundation for political, social and economic freedom (Motshetshane 2015:270–275). Bhengu chose to suffer for Christ in the service of salvation, balancing this by adopting what he termed the missiology of self-transcendence. He believed that true liberation would come only through total salvation and redemption from God that fully involved God and human endeavours (Lephoto 2025:9). Caution should, however, be exercised here, lest we categorise Nicholas Bhengu as a Pan-Africanist, Nationalist, Socialist or any other ideological type. His actions were inspired by his calling and experience in his encounter with Jesus Christ. If he exhibited any inclination towards those ideologies, it was his response to the Gospel of Jesus Christ. It is against this backdrop, and through the lens of self-transcendence, that we look at his ministry.

The concept of self-transcendence is borrowed from Lonergan’s understanding of religious conversion and is employed here to articulate a new orientation towards understanding and directing the type of realistic conversion Bhengu pursued. In his framework on self-transcendence, Lonergan (in Doran 2011:2) explains his understanding of religious conversion by introducing three concepts: Authenticity, self-transcendence and conversion. According to Lonergan (in Doran 2011:31), the three terms are interrelated: ‘Authenticity is achieved in self-transcendence, and consistent self-transcendence is reached only by conversion’.

The white churches and state theologies sought to produce black conformists to the existing system; liberation theologies resisted this conformity mentality and fought for an egalitarian and free society, promoting equality for all (Kgatla 1992:345). The transition to democracy in 1994, for example, has fostered a ‘self-interest theology’ and a sense of having ‘arrived’, self-entitlement, which has led the church to forget its critical calling. Prophetic theology has been swallowed by the secular government it helped come to power. The church has become silent, weak or co-opted by power, rather than speaking truth to power (Kgatla 2022:5).

Both movements – the imposition of white domination through the Christianisation of black people for self-interest and the black agenda of liberation – failed to embrace a transcendental methodology that would go beyond secular binaries and bring about the transformational and empowering spirituality of Jesus Christ. It is my contention that Bhengu perceived the Western understanding of mission as largely compromised by racial prejudice, greed, economic interest, deliberate inequality, political ambition and interest and dominance for the promotion of white people’s survival (Magwira & Kgatla 2015:473). On the other hand, black Africans fought the system with paraphernalia manufactured for human self-preservation and self-interest (Kgatla 2025:4). As a result of the lack of a self-transcendence during the political transition of 1994, the country faces significant issues today, such as high unemployment, poverty, inequality, unprecedented corruption and crime; South Africa remains a ‘melting pot’ today.

By self-transcendence, Lonergan meant going beyond the self (Doran 2011:4), breaking human-made boundaries and reaching beyond familiar horizons. Within Lonergan’s framework, humans possess a dynamism that keeps them searching beyond for something authentic and real (Doran 2011:3). Human beings consciously and unconsciously search for God until they ‘fall in love’ with Him. When this occurs, the Holy Spirit floods their hearts, enabling them to experience a new relationship with the transcendent reality (Doran 2011:5). We should extrapolate the concept of self-transcendence and Nicholas Bhengu’s calling to ministry.

Transcendence points to what lies beyond – beyond that which cannot be subjected to human manipulation or control. Schwartz (2004:xi) defines transcendence as the ground of humility, something humans cannot boast about. It is an epistemological break that cannot be reduced to human whims and manipulation (Schwartz 2004:xi). Transcendence is an experience that exceeds human conceptualisation, stretching out beyond absoluteness and immanence. It entails going back to the source of all goodness and reimagining a world where God is not only present, but where He also rules.

Solutions to societal problems that are based on non-belief, no matter how intellectual they may appear, are not authentic if they are found outside of the Trinitarian mandate (Doran 2011:4). Closely related to transcendence is self-transcendence, which emphasises understanding that humans are inherently incomplete and are thrusting themselves into an incomplete future (Doran 2011:2). Self-transcendence presupposes that knowledge of God can never be separated from a dynamic relationship with Him (Taylor 2004:5). A true spiritual experience – the kind Bhengu encountered – is one where God and humans meet; only then is transformative spirituality between God and humans is possible (Lephoko 2018:218). This phenomenon explains why some former liberation activists in South Africa are caught up in their own self-interest and susceptible to corruption, having forgotten about the people they once purported to be fighting for (Kgatla 2022:3).

Viktor Frankl (in Wong 2016:131) helps us to understand the theoretical framework of self-transcendence. In defining self-transcendence, Frankl refers to a fundamental human capacity and a core aspect of authentic spirituality, representing the expansion of consciousness beyond the self towards something higher, such as a divine or spiritual realm. This universal process of expanding consciousness beyond the personal self towards a greater connection with Christ enables us to function free from habitual, self-limiting beliefs, leading to a more self-directed and true self where spirituality serves as a driving force towards authentic identity with God (Du Toit 2012:4).

In celebrating the legacy of Nicholas Bhengu, one should also mention his legacy in the ‘female ministry’ of fundraising. Very early in his evangelist work, Bhengu recognised the tenacity, commitment and resilience of females in supporting church ministry through fundraising. His female fundraising ministry demonstrated that females are impactful givers, and their dedication to social change is non parella [unparalleled] by that of males. Females can redefine philanthropy by prioritising meaningful engagement, collaboration and long-suffering, rather than focusing solely on transactional relationships (Lephoko 2025:9). Bhengu saw this unique gift, rooted in values and driven by a desire to create positive change and employed it to reshape the landscape of fundraising within his ministry.

Recognising their skills, thoroughness and patience, Bhengu discovered female resilience in God’s work. In many African societies, females are renowned for their tenacity in beadwork. Tedious work such as beadwork in traditional African cultures is associated with patience, thoroughness and skill. Dlamini (2024), in Meet the females behind Ntozinhle lifestyle, tells the story of creativity, empowerment, inspiration and resilience in Ndebele communities. Bhengu recognised the same indelible attention to detail in everything females undertook and entrusted them with the crucial responsibility of fundraising for Assemblies of God ministries. With each passing annual conference, the tapestry of female fundraising grew larger as more females joined the fold, each contributing her unique skills and meticulous attention to detail. The creation of a single purse became a symbol of dedication and the success of female ministry (Lephoko 2018:3).

Historically, North America and Europe appropriated to themselves the right to first define who people of the colour were, what their needs were and how they could be developed to meet European standards (Kgatla 2021:4). In this respect, Tempels (1959:9) asserted that the Bantu people of Africa were incapable of formulating a philosophical treatise, complete with the necessary vocabulary, without Western assistance. Western sciences and philosophical frameworks were conceptualised and constituted as determining and destining Africans to become ‘better–developed’ people (Van Rimsum 2001:2). These assumptions were based on the notion that the West was able to research and understand the ‘Other’ and guide the ‘Other’ towards knowing who they were according to Western standards (Sanneh 1992:10). This process resulted in the marginalisation of Africans, who were pushed to the ghettos of knowledge. Power defined how people related to one another and understood their roles within their interactions. Expressed through physical force, material wealth, language, status or gender inequality, technological advancement and psychological manipulations, power remained largely undetected in the neoliberal, globalised world. Based on these aspects, power defined both the identities and roles of those involved (Kgatla 2021:8). The power involved here referred to material resources that called Africans ‘ignoramus’ or underdeveloped unbelievers to realign to Western ‘imperialism’ for Western interests (Van Rimsum 2001:3).

World-renowned evangelists such as Bhengu were often defined by their colour or identity. As Ezekia Mphahlele observes: ‘They were defined as “not something” before they could be “something”’. They were called ‘non-white evangelists’, ‘non-European ministers’ or ‘native evangelists’ (E. Mphahlele [Discussion with Ezekia Mphahlele on the philosophy of apartheid in South Africa] pers. comm., 1994). By imposing these labels, the intention was to modify them to be inauthentic and to undermine their roles in their ministry and keep control over them.

Bhengu refused to be ‘defined’ or ‘modified’ by others, regardless of their relative power (Balcomb 2005:339). He rejected the ‘Dark Continent’ Narrative, the labels of ‘African Native Churches’ or ‘African Initiated Churches’ and, in fact, the Western notion of supremacy in God’s mission. Africans were true servants of God par excellence [embodying outstanding excellence in his ministry] (Lephoko 2025:3). Bhengu championed African leadership within the church, calling Africans to take full ownership of their ministries. He advocated for the importance of self-respect, self-reliance and economic independence (Lephoko 2025:3).

In October 1950, Bhengu launched the ‘Back to God Crusade’ with the aim of reaching the whole of Africa with the Gospel of the Kingdom. The movement brought tens of thousands to Christianity, empowered the Black church and significantly reduced crime in areas where the ‘crusades’ were held. The ministry achieved this through large-scale evangelistic campaigns, the establishment of self-governing churches, social upliftment programmes for youth and females and by fostering a sense of dignity and confidence within the black community during the apartheid era. Its core impacts included the following:

Bhengu preached the Word of God with simplicity and honesty, exhibiting a commitment to clearly understanding Scripture and conveying its meaning using simple language, short sentences and relatable illustrations, all while maintaining a pure heart and a motive to please God rather than humans (Balcomb 2005:344). He was a deeply honest person who avoided distortion and ensured that the truth was presented without human opinion or cleverness, with the ultimate aim of illuminating God’s message so that listeners could understand and apply it in their lives. He created a conscious environment in which listeners could experience cognitive dissonance and come to a critical level of understanding of the nature of their situation before God. This often led them to seek new paths for change in their lives and to seize opportunities of self-empowerment through radical repentance. Lephoko describes the atmosphere of Bhengu’s preaching as follows: ‘It appeared as if the paint on the inside walls was peeling’ (in conversation between the researcher and Lephoko on the ministry of Bhengu in 2009). Often, the problem of their sin was named explicitly, and the complacency of listeners – in their assumptions, roles and lack of critical awareness – was made clearer.

Usually, people engaged in self-introspection and self-education as their consciousness was raised and awakened. They began dismantling stereotypes, ignorance and feelings of superiority or inferiority, gradually starting to delimit themselves. Time magazine (23 November 1959) writes:

Bhengu was an evangelist, a teacher of the Word and a pastor (Lephoko 2025:8). Through his ministry, he built large congregations in the Eastern Cape, KwaZulu-Natal and the rest of South Africa, as well as in neighbouring countries. Bhengu emphasised holiness and the fear of God, among other principles, and set spiritual boundaries within which he served God and His mission to the world. I briefly juxtapose the following axioms that characterised his ministry: (1) collectivity, (2) transformation, (3) integrity, (3) simplicity, (4) listening and (5) reflexivity.